Introduction The historical relationship between Islam and the Western world since antiquity have never been a model of harmony. The interaction of Islam and the Western world is often specific with Christian Civilization or as suggested by Esposito (2000) Christendom in which it often goes in line with the Byzantine Empire and Holy Roman Empire. Often this association is an enmity in which familiarity breeds contempt, and proximity brings about love and hate. It was thought by some expert, for example, Samuel Huntington (1993) that it was a “clash of civilizations”, however Edward Said (1993) sardonically reworded is as the “clash of ignorance.” From my point of view, instead of assuming that a stark choice exists between either conflict & coexistence, or that civilization with differing views might clash, I think it is good to draw on historic insights, remembering that religion change over time and that clashes & coexistence, accommodation and synthesis have taken place throughout history.
What is the history of pre-modern between Islam and the Western world?The historical perspective of these two Abrahamic religions goes a long way to even the time of Muhammad. I would like to illustrate the historical perspective of Islam and Christendom into 4 broad periods.
The 1st period from 622 AD to 1492 may be considered as a period of Islamic ascendency which marked the year Muhammad exodus from Mecca to Medina and the beginning of the Muslim era. It also marked the fall of Granada, Spain in the Iberian Peninsula under the Caliphate of Cordoba (Esposito, 2000.p. 34) and the expulsion of Muslims from Spain due to the ‘reconquista’ by Spain’s Christian Kingdom (Esposito, 2000.p. 320).
Since the time of Muhammad, there is always a good interaction with Christians throughout his life. One popular tradition records a meeting in Syria between the young Muhammad and a Nestorian Christian Monk named Bahira who recognized the seal of prophethood (Esposito, 2000, p. 306). Another incident is that Muhammad’s prophethood was confirmed by Christian scripture when a Christian cousin of his first wife Khadijah, Waraqa ibn Nawfal, acknowledged Muhammad’s recitation of the revelation to be identical with that sent down to Prophet Moses (Esposito, 2000, p. 306).
The early community of Muslims in Medina established its presence and extended its domain primarily through carrying out a series of prowling expeditions against hostile tribes and also through mediation. As the so-called people of the Book, Christians and Jews were treated as minorities under the protection of Islam, believers in one God despite their refusal to accept the prophethood of Muhammad. They are called dhimmis (Esposito, 2000, p. 307). Adult male Christians were thus not required to convert, but they were required to pay a poll tax called jizya as the price of protection. Dhimmis were granted the right to practice their religion in private, to defend themselves against external aggression, and to govern their own communities using their own religious law. More often than not, dhimmis always believe that their life under the protection of an Islamic state is always better than living under the Byzantine Empire. The specificity of the requirements for people of book that enjoyed dhimmis status was spelled out in what has come to be referred to as “covenant of Umar.” (Esposito, 2000, p. 308) They were prohibited to build new churches or repair of those in towns inhabited by Muslims, beating the wooden clapper that Christians used to call for prayer was forbidden too, and the recruitment of new Christians was also outlawed as it was seen as an insult to Islam. Although, there are certain restrictions on the People of book, relatively the relationship between them in the early period was very much harmonious and peaceful. However, throughout the Middle Ages, there was a hardening of attitudes against dhimmis, due more to political than to religious reasons, especially after the period of the crusades as explained by Esposito (2000, p. 309).
As Islamic civilization expanded its civil and religious order beyond the borders of the Arabian Peninsula, and ultimately encompassed most of the Byzantine Empire, Persian Empire and the former lands of the Roman Empire in North Africa and Spain (Esposito, 2000, p.309). The Christian West became aware of Islam potent presence on its doorstep in Europe at the time of Charlemagne, King of the Franks (768-814) (Esposito, 2000, p. 314). Although Charlemagne put a stop to the advance of Islam at the heart of Europe, the borders between Christianity and Islam have remained remarkably the same ever since. The fall of Granada holds an important place among the many significant events that mark the latter half of the 15th century. It ended the eight hundred years-long Islamic presence in the Iberian Peninsula. It culminated in the expulsion of Muslims from Spain in 1492 due to the reconquista of Spain’s Christian Kingdoms (Esposito, 2000, p. 320). However, according to Esposito (2000), Christian rulers who are concerned with maintaining their own power are known to invite Muslim forces to garrison their cities for protection (p. 315). Some even involved with intermarriage with Muslims to consolidate their power. For example, Duke Eudes gave his daughter in marriage to the Muslim ruler of Cerdana in order to forge alliance to secure his southern borders (Esposito, 2000, p. 315).
In Andalusia (711-1086), Christians and Muslims coexisted well with each other and the establishment of Muslim presence did not take place without much difficulty. Christians living in al-Andalusia under the Muslim caliphate could not help but be impressed by Muslim society. Even while remaining Christians, they became Islamicate or Arabized (Esposito, 2000, p. 317). Many learned Arabic, read Arabic poetry and copied aspects of Muslim culture because that gave them greater status and opened up opportunities for education and thus better jobs (Esposito, 2000, p. 318). In Toledo, Cordoba and Seville, Jews, Christians and Muslims freely mingled and shared in research, translations and discussions. Scholars from all three groups even worked together to translate Arabic and syric manuscripts to Latin as suggested by Esposito (2000).
From what I gathered, the first period which marked the interaction between Muslims and Christians is far from clear, as the reality of who the adversaries actually were. However, accounts from the above clearly stated that there are indeed diplomatic ties within the Islamo-Christian civilization which culminated to an aggressive and offensive backfire due to territorial, political and theological struggles.
The 2nd period represents a Western counter-movement against the Muslim occupation of the Holy Lands by means of a series of Christian crusades dragged on from the 11th Century into the Ottoman period until 1683 when the expansion of that last Muslim empire into Europe was stopped at Vienna.
The existence of Islam has always made the Christian West profoundly uneasy. Islam was the only major religion to be revealed after the rise of Christianity, and consequently it was, from the movement of the revelation of Islam in the 7th Century AD, viewed by Christendom as a direct threat and challenges to itself. The threat of Islam to Christianity was increased by the fact that Muslims regarded Islam as having superseded Christianity (Esposito, 2000, p. 329). In the eyes of Christians, Islam was something to be suppressed and if possible, destroyed. On the other hand, Muslims was ignorant of the Christian West because it was indifferent to it. In the Muslim views, since the revelation of God to his prophet Muhammad supplemented and made perfect all previous revelations, it followed that Islamic civilization is indeed superior to Christian civilization as it was sanctified by God. While the Islamic civilization was at its peak of grandeur, the West was stagnating during the Dark Ages (Esposito, 2000, p. 329). This resulted in the Muslims’ perception that they have no reason to modify their view. I risk laboring on this point because broached on school textbooks, which see world history almost exclusively in terms of Europeans history and not from either an Islamic or European historical perspective could made us to view world history from a myopic and ‘controlled’ standpoint.
From my point of view, the problem posed itself on two levels: the political & military and the theological aspects. On the political and military level, Christendom had the response of a military counter-action (crusades). On the theological level, Islam could be regarded as a Christian deviation, as a schism within the ranks of Christianity, or as a new religion (Esposito, 2000, p. 321). By the end of the 7th century, the Mediterranean region had become a Muslim territory with Muslims controlling the whole southern shore of the Mediterranean from Anatolia to the Straits of Gibraltar (Esposito, 2000, p. 316). Despite the impressive Muslim conquests, however the Christian west saw Muslims as one of a large number of enemies that they have to deal with. It must be understood that Muslims threat was not the only enemies within the European Sphere, others such as the Norsemen, Slavs and Magyars too threatening Europe at the same time; therefore it is safe to say that the political and military reaction of the Christian West was limited and ad hoc.
On the theological and religious levels, the reaction of the West towards Islam impact was strong, sustained and almost without exception, hostile. I guess this hostility was based on fear, and fear had its roots in ignorance (Esposito, 2000, p. 321). I am not very sure but perhaps Christendom was prompted by Odium theologicum or literally means theological hatred, thus had no desire to try to understand or even tolerate Islam. This could be seen not just against Islam but Jews as well; which could be seen during the Byzantine era. Although Christendom and Islamic Civilization interaction coexisted; at best this co-existence was on a cold war basis and often interlined with apprehensiveness for roughly three centuries till the crusade in 1095.
From my point of view, six points in particular had helped Christian west to go over to the offensive against Islam at this time: the first point was the adoption of Christianity about 1000 AD by the Norsemen and the Magyars, an event which freed Christendom from the constant pressure of these barbarians. The second point was the collapse of the Umayyad caliphate in Spain in 1031 and resulting half century of anarchy in Muslim Spain which prompted to take advantage of such situations (Esposito, 2000, p. 34 & 320). The third point was that Muslims conquerors have undertaken Holy lands of the Christians like Jerusalem, thus Christians wanted to bring them under their control once again (Esposito, 2000, pp. 335-337). The fourth point is due to economic. The population of France had increased beyond its capacity of its natural resources. In the 11th century Muslim forces threatened trade in Byzantine territories and the city of Constantinople. The fifth point is that I saw the crusade as a divergent to the political arena of the Pope. Pope urban II with great political skill wanted to divert the Barons (French nobles) from their fratricidal quarrels, and uniting them in a common struggle against the infidels, a struggle which he endowed with the sanctity of a Holy war. The sixth point was the dramatic change of Muslim empires in mishandling its non-Muslim counterparts which resulted in unhappiness, uprising and revolt. The Umayyad Dynasty introduced the dhimmis system and the Ottoman Empire introduces the janissaries’ army which compromised of non-Muslim slaves (Esposito, 2000, p. 377). These could be a triggering point in such unhappiness. As a result, the crusade is not merely liberating holy sites but also releasing its own people of the same religion from suffering and oppression. As explained, these six points could actually fuel the propaganda efforts of those generating enthusiasm for the military counter-action (crusades).
Within a few years, Christendom carried its counter attack into the heartlands of Islam in the Middle East, when Pope Urban II declared a holy war against Islam, and the first Crusade was launched in 1095 and lasted beyond the 15th century (Esposito, 2000, p.337). Many European noblemen took part and the three most powerful monarchs of Western Europe such as Richard I of England (the ‘Lionheart’), Philip II of France, and Frederick Barbarossa of the Holy Roman Empire joined in towards the militarized zeal. Jerusalem was recaptured on July 15, 1099. When the Muslims were united under Saladin in the 12th century, he defeated the Latin army at Hattin and soon recovered the city of Jerusalem and other territory for the Muslims (Esposito, 2000, p. 339). A fifth crusades under Frederick Barbarossa gave Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth to Christians for a while, together with access to the coast, beginning in 1229. But the areas were lost to the Muslims again in 1244. The siege of Vienna in 1529 attempted by Ottoman Empire maximizes to extend of Ottoman expansion in central Europe. Even then, it didn’t substantially alter the existing borders between the two Semitic religions. The janissaries also began to voice their displeasure at the progression of events, demanding a decision on whether to remain or abandon the siege. Esposito (2000) cited that after the crusades was over, each of them (Islam and Christians) constituted two separate societies with their own land and administration , and even attempted to cooperate and coexist along each other and this could be shown in them trading (p. 341).
In retrospect, considerable bitterness built up on all sides among the two religions, with stories told to justify behavior and condemn the cause of the enemy. These examples have circulated through the centuries and have done their parts to nourish suspicion and mistrust among Muslims and Christians alike.
How does this history relate to the understandings of these relationships today?
The end of the Crusades could be conceived as the beginning of a 3rd period that finally led to Western ascendancy and subsequent domination of the Islamic world in the 19th and 20th centuries through the industrial revolution, colonialism and White man’s burden. Western perception of Islam and Muslims has long been dominated by confrontation and negativity.
Throughout the 20th century and into the 21st century, the image of crusades continues for both the western world and Islam. After the Second World War, crusading rhetoric was used against the communism in the Cold war which operated throughout the 1950s. Crusade imagery is also to be found in modern Islamic political ideologies. Throughout the 19th century, the progress of European imperialism in the Middle east has made crusading parallels seems more and more appropriate: the ottoman sultan abs al-Hamid II (ruled 1876-1909) repeatedly asserted that Europe was conducting a crusade against the Ottoman empire, but it ultimately collapsed in 1922. In the period immediately after the first world war, during the British mandate, and then particularly after the creation of the state of Israel after the second world war, ‘Saladin’s victory over the Crusaders at Hattin became a central theme in the Palestinians’ political struggle against Zionists (Esposito, 2000, p. 339). Saladin himself was increasingly portrayed as ‘the prototypical religio-political fighter against foreign oppression, and it extended that he is now the greatest fighter for Islam against western aggression and Arab political leaders vie to become the second Saladin. Saddam Hussein and even Yasser Arafat was deem as the second Saladin. It is not surprising that the crusades are seen through an anti-imperialist prism and the Islamic response in the 12th and 13th centuries is viewed as the blueprint for modern Arab and Islamic struggles for independent from western colonialist aggression.
The last period is the relations between Islam and the west characterized by an increasing Muslim resistance against western domination that began in the 19th Century and to the present.
Modern Islamic activists make great use of the idea of crusade or Jihad, seeing Israel as the latest Middle Eastern crusader state, and interpreting all Christian attacks on Islam throughout its history as crusades – from opposition to Islamic conquerors in Syria and Palestine in the 7th century, to the reconquista of medieval Spain (Esposito, 2000.p. 320). Likewise, for other Islamic radicals the crusades have not ended either for the Christians – who in their view are still determined to destroy Islam – or for Muslims. Osama bin laden umbrella organization is called the world Islamic front for crusade against Jews and Christians (Al-Qaeda network). Hamas, founded in the Israeli occupied territories in 1967, has its goal on the liberation of Palestine from Zionist occupation and the reestablishment of an Islamic state (Esposito, 2000, p. 585). It regards western attempts to take Palestine in the First World War as merely another example of crusading incursions (Esposito, 2000, p. 557). Meanwhile, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) seeks to purge the Islamic ummah of colonial contamination and sees Israel as a colonialist bridge-head through which America and Europe perpetuate their control and their economic exploitation of the Muslim world (Esposito, 2000, p. 583). With Palestine and the state of Israel continuing to be a focus for western interference and intervention, Islam cannot forget the crusades – their impact had indeed lasted and has resulted in battle lines of misunderstanding and hostility being drawn up between East and West. The crusades still reverberate with incredible force in relations between the Christian west and Islamic Near and Middle East nine hundred years after the first crusade set out to capture Jerusalem for Christendom.
Islamophobia is another term which is coined that refers to prejudice or discrimination against Islam or Muslims. Islamophobia was repeated times and times again due to the repercussion of September 11, 2001 incident and many other subsequent fatal incidents which related them to Muslim related activities like the subway bombings in London in 2005. From electronic and advertising Medias, everyone especially from the Muslim countries, leaders as well as anti-racist activities wanted to convince everyone of the irrational hatred or fear of the Islamic faith. It haunts the popular western imagination as an extreme faith that promotes authoritarian government, female oppression, civil war, and terrorism. This concept of Islamophobia could be traced back during the time of the crusades when the west was ignorant about Islam resulted in the hostility that was based on fear. Esposito (2000) too understood that fear has its roots in ignorance of each other (p. 321). In addition, the idea of Islamophobia stems out from a culture of victimization during the era of the crusades in which Islamophobia has become one-stop cause of the myriad of problems facing Muslims today. With this, I think to understand whether Islamophobia is a reality of life or merely a myth, an in-depth research based on statistics from reliable sources should be taken into consideration to see whether it is just a perception or merely a concocted propaganda.
In conclusion, although the interaction between Christendom and Islam is very much debatable in the 21st century historical context, I believe that the concept of “clash of Ignorance” which could be traced back during the time of the crusades as suggested by Edward Said (1993) seems to be true. However, we must not forget that the interaction between these two Abrahamic faiths are indeed shaped and were shaped by each other thus I hope that this “sibling rivalry” could actually end.
How have some of the changes of a western-inspired modernity been reflected in the careers of figure such as Shakykh Luqman or the interpretations of tradition by Taha Hussein? The changes of western-inspired modernity have been reflected in both figures such as Shakykh Luqman (Renard, 1998, pp. 218-223) and Taha Hussein (Renard, 1998, pp. 124-130) with startling differences. Both are Egyptians.
Shakykh Luqman often portrayed himself as someone who speaks well of a contemporary life based on a traditional Islamic context (Renard, 1998, p. 218). Even though he was seen as a person with immense intellectual, western inspired modernity are not reflected in his way of life and thought. Perhaps, one of the reasons is that he was educated in a famous religious university of Al-Azhar in Egypt (Renard, 1998, p. 220). From what was narrated in the anthology, Shakykh Luqman seems a pious man who devoted himself to way of the Qur’an and Sunnah of Muhammad. He was practically sustained and was sustaining the communities he lived in by giving Friday sermons, teaching Al-Qur’an and others. He was also very much of a village boy as suggested by Renard (1998, p. 223), which partly explained why his career mobility was restricted. He also championed Islamic norms within the village based on “life historical approaches” in terms of cultural, social and psychosocial (Renard, 1998, p. 222). His understanding of the world was suggested by Renard (1998) as something that was influenced by mutual understanding, expectation and behaviour patterns with whom he grows up with (p. 222). I think this is true that on the concept of nature vs. nurture whereby he might be influenced by such cultural understanding that western-inspired modernity was not part of his agenda.
On other hand, Taha Hussein (1889-1973) was the opposite of Shakykh Luqman. Taha Hussein employed a modernist approach towards his life and the community which could be seen in the anthology “Interpreting Muhammad’s life in Modern Times” (Renard, 1998, p. 124). Being educated in Cairo University and later in Europe, his perception on life was often intertwined with a western-inspired modernity approach. In his book called Pre-Islamic poetry, he used a modern approach of literary criticism in analyzing ancient poetic pieces. Reflecting on this, there was an implicit call for a modern reappraisal of time-honored Qur’an and Sunnah interpretation (Renard, 1998, p. 125). Taha Hussein who was educated in the Europe saw that Taha Hussein epitomized Western orientation like many emerging Middle East elites for whom the acquisition of strength and prosperity was to be accomplished not by a return to an Islamic past or by Islamic modernist reform but rather a liberal, secular reform program draw heavily from the West. Taha Hussein also wrote extensively on tales and accounts of pre-Islamic Arabs in diverse forms (Renard, 1998, p. 127). He also added that there is life of an ancient should inspire the modern sublime eloquence in poetry and prose. With that I believe that Taha Hussein was focused on the practicality of Islam rather than the mere emphasis of it. Another view that I think inspired by the changes of western-inspired modernity is that Taha Hussein reflected the European orientation of Egyptian nationalism. This was especially evident in his attempt to establish cultural roots of Egyptians identity as well as to chart its future course, not in its Arab Islamic past but rather in the West. He explained that the cause of Muslim decline or incapability of meeting the new demands of modern life was due to Muslim perplexing mentality not to reestablish upon itself on Western models of political, social and legal change.
ConclusionFor over 14 centuries, Christendom and Islam have confronted each other as two incompatible and largely hostile systems of thoughts, morals, and beliefs. Battles between Muslims and Christians during the crusades built a deep hatred on each other. Today, I believe that we have options, and our choices can have major implications for the future. For example, if we believe in an impending clash of civilization as suggested by Samuel Huntington (1993) then we are in a sense casting our vote for violent conflict and will do little to prevent it from occurring. If, however, we take seriously the more all-encompassing concept of a symbiotic Islamo-Christian civilization, we are voting to work for awareness of both religions and mutual respect so that such a clash never occurs again. The choice is ultimately ours.
In the spirit of scholarly curiosity and academic exchange…
